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for the assistance furnished by the latter to Anti-pater in the Lamian war (Diod. xviii. 18). But if any dependence can be placed on the authority of Antonius Diogenes (ap. Phot. p. Ill, b.), she must have been previously married to Balacrus (probably the satrap of Cappadocia of that name) as early as b. c. 332 ; and this seems to accord well with the statement of Plutarch that she was already past her prime, when after the death of Craterus, who sur­vived his marriage with her scarcely a year, she was again married to the young Demetrius, the son of Antigonus (Plut. Demetr. 14). The exact period of this last marriage is nowhere indicated, but it seems probable that it must have taken place as early as b.c. 319 (comp. Droysen, Hellenism, vol. i. p. 216 ; and Niebuhr, KL Schrift. p. 226) ; it was certainly prior to 315, in which year the re­mains of her 'late husband were at length consigned to her care by Ariston, the friend of Eumenes (Diod. xix. 59). Notwithstanding the disparity of age, Phila appears to have exercised the greatest in­fluence over her youthful husband, by whom she was uniformly treated with the utmost respect and consideration, and towards whom she continued to entertain the warmest affection, in spite of his numerous amours and subsequent marriages. Dur­ing the many vicissitudes of fortune which Deme­trius experienced, Phila seems to have resided principally in Cyprus ; from whence we find her sending letters and costly presents to her husband during the siege of Rhodes. After the fatal battle of Ipsus, she joined Demetrius, and was soon after sent by him to her brother Cassander in Macedonia, to endeavour to effect a reconciliation and treaty between him and Demetrius. She ap­pears to have again returned to Cyprus, where, in b. c. 295, she was besieged in Salamis by Ptolemy, and ultimately compelled to surrender, but was treated by him in the most honourable manner, and sent together with her children in safety to Macedonia. Here she now shared the exalted fortunes of her husband, and contributed not a little to secure the attachment of the Macedonian people to his person. But when, in b. c. 287, a sudden revolution once more precipitated Demetrius from the throne, Phila, unable to bear this unexpected reverse, and despairing of the future, put an end to her own life at Cassandreia. (Plut. Demetr. 22, 32, 35, 37, 38, 45 ; Diod. xx. 93.)

The noble character of Phila is a bright spot in the history of a dark and troubled period. Jler in­fluence was ever exerted in the cause of peace, in protecting the oppressed, and in attempting, but too often in vain, to calm the violent passions of those by whom she was surrounded. She left two children by Demetrius ; Antigonus, surnamed Go-natas, who became king of Macedonia ; and a daughter, Stratonice, married first to Seleucus, and afterwards to his son Antiochus (Plut. Demetr. 31, 37, 53). Besides these, it appears that she must have had a son by Craterus, who bore his father's name. (Niebuhr, Kl. Schrift. p. 225.) The Athenians, in order to pay their court to De­metrius, consecrated a temple to Phila, under the name of Aphrodite. (Athen. vi. p. 254, a.)

3. A daughter of Demetrius Poliorcetes by his mistress Lamia. (Athen. xiii. p. 577, c.)

4. Wife of Antigonus Gonatas ; probably a daughter of Seleucus I., by Stratonice (Joann. Malelas, p. 198, ed. Bonn ; Droysen, Hellenism. vol. ii. p. 179 ; Froelich. Ann. Syr, pp, 21, 22).


Suidas (s. v. "Aparos) has confounded her with No. 2.

5. A celebrated Athenian courtezan, and the mis­tress of the orator Hyperides. (Athen. xiii. p. 590, d. 593, f. ; Dem. c. Neaer. p. 1351.) [E. H. B.]

PHILADELPHIA ($i\a§eA<J>os), a surname of Ptolemaeus II. king of Egypt [ptolemaeus II.], and of Attains II. king of Pergamum [Ai-talus II.].

Philadelphus is also the name of one of the Deipnosophistae in Athenaeus, who calls him a native of Ptolemais, and describes h'irn (i. p. 1) as a distinguished man in philosophical speculation and of an upright life.

PHILADELPHUS, ANNIUS. [cimber, annius.]

PHILAENI (4>iAaivoO, two brothers, citizens of Carthage, of whom the following story is told. A dispute between the Carthaginians and Cyre-naeans, about their boundaries, had led to a war, which lasted for a long time and with varying suc­cess. Seeing no probability of a speedy conclusion to it, they at length agreed that deputies should start at a fixed time from each of the cities,—or rather perhaps from Leptis Magna and Hesperides or Berenice, the most advanced colonies of Carthage and Cyrene, respectively, on the Great Syrtis,— and that the place of their meeting, wherever it might be, should thenceforth form the limit of the two territories. The Philaeni were appointed for this service, on the part of the Carthaginians, and advanced much further than the Cyrenaean party. Valerius Maximus accounts for this by informing us that they fraudulently set forth before the time agreed upon, a somewhat singular preface to his admiring declamation on their virtuous patriotism. Sallust merely tells us that they were accused of the trick in question by the Cyrenaean deputies, who were afraid to return home after having so mismanaged the affair, and who, after much alter­cation, consented to accept the spot which they had reached as the boundary-line, if the Philaeni would submit to be buried alive there in the sand. Should they decline the offer, they were willing, they said, on their side, if permitted to advance as far as they pleased, to purchase for Cyrene an extension of territory by a similar death. The Philaeni accord­ingly then and there devoted themselves for their country, in the way proposed. The Carthaginians paid high honours to their memory, and erected altars to them where they had died ; and from these, even long after all traces of them had va­nished, the place still continued to be called " The Altars of the Philaeni" (Sail. Jug. 75 ; Val. Max. v. 6, ext. 4 ; Pomp. Mel. i. 7 ; Oros. i. 2 ; Solin. Poli/hist. 27 ; Sil. Ital. Bell. Pun. xv. 704 ; Polyb, iii. 39, x. 40 ; Strab. iii. p. 171, xvii. p. 836 ; Plin. H. N. v. 4 ; Thrige, Res Cyrenensium, §§ 49 —51). Without intending to throw discredit upon the whole of the above story, we may remark that our main authority for it is Sallust, and that he probably derived his information from African traditions during the time that he was proconsul of Numidia, and at least three hundred years after the event. We cannot, therefore, accept it unre­servedly. The Greek name b\T which the heroic brothers have become known to us,—4>iAaivot, or lovers of praise,— seems clearly to have been framed to suit the tale. The exact date of the occurrence we have no means of fixing. Thrige supposes it to have taken place not earlier than

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