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Schoenium, and of npoacpfiiai. Mention is made-of a choral song in which he used all the three ancient modes of music, so that the first strophe was Do rian, the second Phrygian, and the third Lydian. (Pint, de Mus. 3. p. 1132, c., 5. p. 1133, a., 8. p. 1134, a. b., 17. p. 1136, f.; Heracl. Pont. p. 140 ; Pans. x. 7. § 3.) [P. S.]
CLONIUS (KAoW). 1. The leader of the Boeotians in the war against Troy, was slain by Agenor. (Horn. II. ii. 495, xv. 340; Diod. iv. G7 ; Hygin. Fab. 97.)
2. Two companions of Aeneas, the one of whom was slain by Turnus, and the other by Messapus. (Virg. Aen. ix. 574, x. 749.) There is a fourth mythical personage of this name. (Apollod. iii. 12. § 5.) [L. S.] CLOTHO. [moirae.]
CLUENTIA. 1. Sister of the elder A. Cluen-tius Habitus. She was one of the numerous wives of Statius Albius Oppianicus, and, according to the representation of Cicero, was poisoned by her husband (pro Cluent. 10). This Cluentia, in Orelli's Onomastieon Tullianmn, seems to be confounded with her niece. [No. 2.]
2. Daughter of the elder A. Cluentius Habitus. Soon after her father's death she married her first cousin A. Aurius Melinus, from whom she was soon divorced in order to make way for her own mother, Sassia, who had conceived a passion for the husband of her daughter. (Pro Cluent. 5.) [ W. B.] L. CLUE'NTIUS, called A. Cluentius by Eu-tropius (v. 3), was one of the generals of the Italians in the Social War. He gained a victory over Sulla in the neighbourhood of Pompeii, but was soon after defeated with great loss by Sulla, b. c. 89. Thirty thousand of his men are said to have fallen in their flight towards Nola, and twenty thousand, among whom was Cluentius himself, before the walls of that town, as the inhabitants would admit them by only one gate, for fear lest Sulla's troops should rush in with them. (Appian, B. C. i. 50; Eutrop. I. c.; comp. Cic. de Div. i. 33; Val. Max. i. 6. § 4 ; Plin. H. N. xxii. 6.)
A. CLUE'NTIUS HA'BITUS. 1. A native of Larinum, highly respected and esteemed not only in his own municipium but in the whole surrounding country, on account of his ancient descent, unblemished reputation, and great moral worth. He married Sassia, and died in b. c. 88, leaving one son and one daughter. (Pro Cluent. 5.) In modern editions of Cicero the cognomen Avitus uniformly appears instead of Habitus, having been first introduced, in opposition to all the best MSS. both of Cicero and Quintilian, by Lam-binus at the suggestion of Cujaccius, who maintained, that Habitus must in every case be considered as a corruption of the transcribers, and appealed for the confirmation of his opinion to the Florentine MS. of the Digest (48. tit. 19. s. 39), where, however, upon examination the reading is found to be AUtus. Accordingly, Orelli, following Niebuhr and Classen, has restored the ancient form in his Onomasticon, although not in the text of the oration. (Rlieinisches Museum for 18279 p. 223.)
2. Son of the foregoing and his wife Sassia, was also a native of Larinum, born about b. c. 103. (Pro Cluent. 5.) In b. c. 74, being at Rome, he accused his own step-father, Statius Albius Oppia-nicus, of having attempted to procure his death by poison. The cause was heard before a certain C.
Junius during a period when a strong feeling prevailed with regard to the venality of the criminal judic'es, who were at that epoch selected from the senate exclusively. Shortly before the trial, a report was spread abroad, and gained general credit, that bribery had been extensively practised by those interested in the result. Accordingly, when a verdict of guilty was pronounced by a very small majority, including several individuals of notoriously bad character, when it became knoxvn that one of the concilium had been irregularly introduced, and had voted against the defendant without hearing the evidence, and when, above all, it was ascertained beyond a doubt that one of the most infamous of the judices who had condemned Oppianicus had actually received a large sum of money for distribution among his fellows, the belief became universal that Cluentius had by the foulest practices obtained the conviction of an innocent man. Indignation being thus strongly excited, it was exhibited most unequivocally. No opportunity was allowed to pass of inflicting condign punishment on the obnoxious judices. Junius, the judex quaestionis, a man rising rapidly to eminence, was forced by the popular clamour to retire from public life; Cluentius and many others of those concerned were disgraced by the censors, and the Judicium Junianum or Albianum Judicium became a by-word for a corrupt and unrighteous judgment, no one being more ready to take advantage of the outcry than Cicero himself, when insisting, at the trial of Verres, on the necessity of obliterating the foul stain which had thus sullied the reputation of the Roman courts. (In Verr. act. i. 10, 13—61, pro Caedn. 10; Pseudo-Ascon. in Verr. act. i. p. 141 ; Schol. Gronov. p. 395, ed. Orelli.)
Eight years after these events, in b. c. 66, Cluentius was 'himself accused by young Oppianicus, son of Statius Albius who had died in the interval, of three distinct acts of poisoning, two of which, it was alleged, had proved successful. The attack was conducted by T. Accius Pisaurensis; the defence was undertaken by Cicero, at that time praetor. It is perfectly clear, from the whole tenor of the remarkable speech delivered upon this occasion, from the small space devoted to the refutation of the above charges, and from the meagre and defective evidence by which they were supported, that comparatively little importance was attached to them by the prosecutor, that they were merely employed as a plausible pretext for bringing. Cluentius before a Roman court, and that his enemies grounded their hopes of success almost entirely upon the prejudice which was known to exist in men's minds on account of the Judicium Junianum,—a prejudice which had already proved the ruin of many others when arraigned of various offences. Hence it would appear that the chief object kept in view by Accius in his opening address was to refresh the memories of his hearers, to recall to their recollections all the circumstances connected with the previous trial, and the punishments which had been inflicted on the guilty judices. Consequently, the greater portion of the reply is devoted to the same topics; the principal aim of Cicero was to undeceive his audience with regard to the real state of the facts, to draw a vivid picture of the life and crimes of the elder Oppianicus and Sassia, proving them to be monsters of guilt? and thus to remove the " inveterata