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party. Archidarmis had thus become the rightful heir to the throne of the Proclidae, and he was invited by Cleomenes to return; but no sooner had he set foot in Sparta than he was assassinated. This crime also is charged upon Cleomenes by the Achaean party, and among them by Pol}7 bins. The truth cannot now be ascertained, but every circumstance of the case seems to fix the guilt upon the Ephors. Cleomenes had everything to hope, and the Ephors everything to fear, from the association of Archidamus in his councils. Cleo­menes, it is true, did nothing to avenge the crime : but the reason of this was, that the time for his attack upon the Ephors was not yet come; and thus, instead of an evidence of his guilt, it is a striking proof of his patient resolution, that he submitted to incur such a suspicion rather than to peril the object of his life by a premature move­ment. On the contrary, he did everything to ap­pease the party of the Ephors. He bribed them largely, by the help of his mother Cratesicleia, who even went so far as to marry one of the chief men of the oligarchical party. Through the influence thus gained, Cleomenes was permitted to continue the war ; he took Leuctra, and gained a decisive victory over Aratus beneath its walls, owing to the impetuosity of Lydiadas, who was killed in the battle. The conduct of Aratus, in leaving Lydiadas unsupported, though perhaps it saved his army, disgusted and dispirited the Achaeans to such a degree, that they made no further efforts during this campaign, and Cleomenes was left at leisure to effect his long-cherished revolution during the winter which now came on. (b. c. 226—225.)

Having secured the aid of his father-in-law, Megistonus, and of two or three other persons, he first weakened the oligarchical party by drafting many of its chief supporters into his army, with which he then again took the field, seized the Achaean cities of Heraea and Asea, threw supplies into Orchomenus, beleaguered Mantineia, and so wearied out his soldiers, that they were glad to be left in Arcadia, while Cleomenes himself marched back to Sparta at the head of a force of mercenaries, surprised the Ephors at table, and slew all of them, except Agesilaus, who took sanctuary in the temple of Fear, and had his life granted afterwards by Cleomenes. Having struck this decisive blow, and being supported not only by his mercenaries, but also by the remains of the party of Agis, Cleo­menes met with no further resistance. He now propounded his new constitution, which is too closely connected with the whole subject of the Spartan polity to be explained within the limits of this article. All that can be said here is, that he extended the power of the kings, abolished the Ephorate, restored the community of goods, made a new division of the lands, and recruited the body of the citizens, by bringing back the exiles and by raising to the full franchise the most deserving of those who had not before possessed it. He also restored, to a great extent, the ancient Spartan system of social and military discipline. In the completion of this reform he was aided by the phi­losopher Sphaerus. The line of the Proclidae being extinct, he took his brother Eucleidas for his colleague in the kingdom. In his own conduct he set a fine example of the simple virtue of an old Spartan.

From tin's period must be dated the contest be­tween the Achaeans and Cleomenes for the supre-


macy of Greece, which Polybius calls the Cleomenic war, and which lasted three years, from b. c. 225 to the battle of Sellasia in the spring of b. c. 222. For its details, of which a slight sketch is given under aratus, the reader is referred to the histo­rians. Amidst a career of brilliant success, Cleo­menes committed some errors, but, even if he had avoided them, he could not but have been over­powered by the united force of Macedonia and the Achaean league. The moral character of the war is condensed by Niebuhr into one just and forcible sentence : — " Old Aratus sacrificed the freedom of his country by an act of high treason, and gave up Corinth rather than establish the freedom of Greece by a union among the Peloponnesians, which, would have secured to Cleomenes the influence and power he deserved." (History of Rome, iv. p. 226.)

From the defeat of Sellasia, Cleomenes returned to Sparta, and having advised the citizens to sub­mit to Antigonus, he fled to his ally, Ptolemy Eu-ergetes, at Alexandria, where his mother and children were already residing as hostages. Any hope he might have had of recovering his kingdom by the help of Ptolemy Euergetes was defeated by the death of that king, whose successor, Ptolemy Philopator, treated Cleomeaes with the greatest neglect, and his minister, Sosibius, imprisoned him on a charge of conspiracy against the king's life. Cleomenes, with his attendants, escaped from prison, and attempted to raise an insurrection against Ptolemy, but finding no one join him, he put himself to death. (b. c. 221—220.) His reign lasted 16 years. He is rightly reckoned by Pau-sanias (iii. 6. § 5) as the last of the Agidae, for his nominal successor, Agesipolis III., was a mere puppet. He was the last truly great man of Sparta, and, excepting perhaps Philopoemerr, of all Greece.

(Plutarch, Cleom,, Aral.; Polyb. ii. v., &c. ; Droysen, Geschiclite der Hellenismus, vol. ii. bk. ii, c. 4 ; Manso, Sparta, vol. iii.) [P. S.]

CLEOMENES (KAeo^s), Spartans of the royal family of the Agidae, but riot kings.

1. Son of the general Pausanias, brother of king Pleistoanax, and uncle of king Pausanias, led the Peloponnesian army in their fourth invasion of Attica, in the fifth year of the Peloponnesian war. (b. c. 427.) Cleomenes acted in place of his nephew, Pausanias, who was a minor. (Thucyd. iii. 26, and Schol.)

2. Son of Cleombrotus II., and uncle and guar­dian of Agesipolis III., b. c. 219. (Polyb. iv. 35, § 12 ; agesipolis III., cleombrotus II.) [P. S.]

CLEOMENES, a Greek of Naucratis in Egypt, was appointed by Alexander the Great as nomarch of the Arabian district (vo/aos) of Egypt and re­ceiver of -the tributes from all the districts of Egypt and the neighbouring part of Africa. (b. c. 331.) Some of the ancient writers say that Alex­ander made him satrap of Egypt; but this is in­correct, for Arrian expressly states, that the other nomarchs were independent of him, except that they had to pay to him the tributes of their dis­tricts. It would, however, appear that he had no difficulty in extending his depredations over all Egypt, and it is not unlikely that he would assume the title of satrap. His rapacity knew no bounds; he exercised his office solely for his own advantage. On the occurrence of a scarcity of corn, which was less severe in Egypt than in the neighbouring

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